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Padang Food

Friday, February 24, 2012

Padang food is the cuisine of the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra, Indonesia. It is among the most popular food in Maritime Southeast Asia. It is known across Indonesia as Masakan Padang (Padang cuisine, in English usually the simpler Padang food) after the city of Padang the capital city of West Sumatra province , it is served in restaurants opened by Minangkabau people in Indonesian cities. Padang food is ubiquitous in Indonesian cities, and is also popular in neighboring Malaysia and Singapore. The term "Padang food" is often used to designate the whole culinary traditions of Minangkabau people, however this term is seldom used in Minangkabau inland cities such as Bukittinggi that is also a culinary hotspot in West Sumatra and refer to it as Masakan Minang or Minangkabau food instead, since there is differences between Nasi Padang of Padang and Nasi Kapau of Bukittinggi.
Padang food is famous for its rich taste of succulent coconut milk and spicy chili. Among various cooking traditions within Indonesian cuisine, Minangkabau cuisine and most of Sumatran cuisine, demonstrate Indian and Middle Eastern influences, which is various dishes cooked in curry sauce with coconut milk, also the heavy use of spices mixture.
Because most of Minangkabau people are muslims, Minangkabau cuisine follows halal dietary law rigorously. Protein intake are mostly taken from beef, water buffalo, goat, and lamb meat, and also includes poultry and fishes. Minangkabau people are known for their fondness of cattle meat products including offal. Almost the whole parts of a cattle, such as meat, ribs, tongue, tail, liver, tripe, brain, bone marrow, spleen, intestine, cartilage, tendon, and even skin, are made to be Minangkabau delicacies. Seafood is popular in coastal West Sumatran cities, and most are grilled or fried with spicy chilli sauce or in curry gravy. Various of fishes, shrimp, and cuttlefish in also cooked in similar fashion. Most of Minangkabau food is eaten with hot steamed rice or compressed rice such as katupek (ketupat). Vegetables are mostly boiled such as boiled cassava leaf, or simmered in thin curry as side dishes, such as gulai (some kind of curry) of young jackfruit or cabbages.
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Javanese people

Notable Javanese people; from top to bottom:
top row: Raden Wijaya, Tribhuwana Tunggadewi, Gajah Mada, Diponegoro, Raden Saleh.
middle row: Pakubuwono X, Kartini, Sukarno, Suharto, Sudirman.
bottom row: Anggun C. Sasmi, Sri Mulyani Indrawati, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Sukarnoputri, Dian Sastrowardoyo.
The Javanese people (Javanese Ngoko: Wong Jawa, Krama: Tiyang Jawi;[3] Indonesian: suku Jawa)[4] is an ethnic group native to the Indonesian island of Java. At approximately 85 million people (as of 2009), it is the largest ethnic group on the island and also in Indonesia. They are predominantly located in the central to eastern parts of the island. Following centuries of migrations they can now be found in most Provinces of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and also Suriname in South America.
Today, majority of the Javanese people identify themselves as Muslims. Because the Javanese civilization has been influenced for more than a millennia of interactions between the native animism and the Indian HinduBuddhist culture, there are traces of their influences in the Javanese history, culture, traditions and artforms.
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Javanese cuisine

Javanese cuisine is the cuisine of Javanese people. In wider sense, Javanese cuisine might also refer to the cuisine of the whole people of Java Island, Indonesia; which also include Sundanese in West Java, Betawi people in Jakarta and Madurese on Madura Island off East Java. These ethnic groups have their own distinctive cuisines.
Javanese cuisine is largely divided into three major groups:
  • Central Javanese cuisine (masakan Jawa Tengah)
  • East Javanese cuisine (masakan Jawa Timur)
  • Common Javanese dishes
There are similarities in the cuisines but the main differences lie in the flavors. Central Javanese cuisine is sweeter and less spicy, while East Javanese cuisine uses less sugar and more chili, possibly influenced by Madurese cuisine.
Rice is the common staple food, and served with every meal. Gaplek, or dried cassava, is sometimes mixed into rice or replaces rice. Bread and grains other than rice are uncommon, although noodles and potatoes are often served as accompaniment to rice.
Almost 90% of Javanese are Muslim, and consequently, much of Javanese cuisine omits pork. Few ethnic groups in Indonesia use pork (and other sources of protein considered haram under Muslim dietary laws) in their cuisine, most prominently Balinese cuisine, Indonesian Chinese cuisine, and Manado cuisine.
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Traditional Batak medicine

In traditional Batak society datuk (animist priests) as well as gurus practiced traditional medicine, although the former were exclusively male. Both professions were attributed with supernatural powers and the ability to predict the future. Treatments and healing rituals bear some resemblance to those practiced by dukuns in other parts of Indonesia. Following the Christianization of the Toba and Karo Batak in the late 19th century, missionaries discouraged traditional healing and divination and they became largely clandestine activities.[35]
Both datuk and guru healers also practiced divination by consulting a pustaha, a handwritten book made of wood and bark in which were inscribed recipes for healing remedies, incantations and songs, predictive calendars, and other notes on magic, healing and divination written in poda, an archaic Batak shorthand. According to Winkler, there were three categories of Pustaha based on the purpose of their usage:
1. Protective Magic, which includes diagnosis, therapy, medicinal mixes which have magical properties, such as amulets, parmanisan (love charms), etc.
2. Destructive Magic, which encompasses the art of making poison, the art of controlling or utilizing the power of certain spirits, calling the pangulubalang, and the art of making dorma (magical formulas for causing a person to fall in love).
3. Divination, which involves oracles (words of the gods), the wishes of the spirits, commands from the gods and from the spirits of the ancestors, and an almanac or calendrical system (porhalaan), and astrology to determine auspicious days and months to accomplish certain actions or goals.[37]
The datu or guru consulted the pustaha when presented with a difficult problem, and in time this became in itself a ritual. When missionaries began to discourage traditional healing and augury the Bible may have been adopted by some gurus in place of the pustaha.
Among the most important healing ceremonies performed in Toba and Karo communities is that of recalling the jinujung, or personal guardian spirit. According to Toba and Karo cosmology, each person receives a jinujung in childhood or at puberty and they keep it for life unless they are unfortunate enough to lose it, in which case they will fall ill. In order to call the jinujung back, a female guru (guru sibaso in Karo) goes into a trance and the jinujung will enter into her and speak through her mouth. At this time the sick person or the family can negotiate ritual payment to entice it to return.[38]
Traditional healers are not powerful enough to cure illness due to the loss of a person's tendi (this falls under the jurisdiction of the datuk), however they do play a role in communicating with begu and influencing their behavior.
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Batak

Batak is a collective term used to identify a number of ethnic groups predominantly found in North Sumatra, Indonesia. The term is used to include the Toba, Karo, Pakpak, Simalungun, Angkola and Mandailing, each of which are distinct but related groups with distinct, albeit related, languages and customs (adat). Occasionally it is also used to include the Alas people of Central/Southern Aceh, but usually only as relates to language groups.
In North Sumatra, Toba people typically assert their identity as 'Batak', while other 'Bataks' may explicitly reject that label, preferring instead to identify as specifically 'Simalungun', 'Karo', etc
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Danau Toba

Lake Toba (Indonesian: Danau Toba) is a lake and supervolcano. The lake is 100 kilometres long and 30 kilometres wide, and 505 metres (1,666 ft) at its deepest point. Located in the middle of the northern part of the Indonesian island of Sumatra with a surface elevation of about 900 metres (2,953 ft), the lake stretches from 2.88°N 98.52°E to 2.35°N 99.1°E. It is the largest lake in Indonesia and the largest volcanic lake in the world.
Lake Toba is the site of a supervolcanic eruption that occurred an estimated 69,000 to 77,000 years ago a massive, climate-changing event. The eruption is believed to have had a VEI intensity of 8. It is the largest known explosive eruption anywhere on Earth in the last 25 million years. According to the Toba catastrophe theory, it had global consequences, killing most humans then alive and creating a population bottleneck in Central Eastern Africa and India that affected the genetic inheritance of all humans today. However, this theory is not widely accepted due to lack of evidence for any other animal decline or extinction, even in environmentally sensitive species. However, it has been accepted that the eruption of Toba led to a volcanic winter with a worldwide decline in temperatures between 3 to 5 °C (5 to 9 °F), and up to 15 °C (27.0 °F) in higher latitudes.
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The Hindu-Buddhist Era

With the advent of Dharmic religions in Indonesia, Hinduism and Buddhism were celebrated in ritual and in art. They incorporated stories of the Ramayana, Mahabharata and also Panji cycles into dance-drama, which is called "Sendratari" (dance-drama) or sometimes simply translated as "ballet". Highly stylized methods of dances were developed and are still obvious nowadays, especially in the islands of Java and Bali. The Javanese Ramayana dance-drama is regularly staged and performed in 9th century Prambanan temple compound, Yogyakarta; while its Balinese counterpart is also performed in various Balinese temples throughout the island. The Javanese wayang wong dance-drama took stories from the episodes of Ramayana or Mahabharata Hindu epic. However, the dances are distinct to those of Indian. While hand gestures are still very important, Indonesian dancers do not have the Indian attention to mudra: instead the dances incorporated local forms. Javanese court dances stressed on graceful and slow movements while the dances of Balinese court are more dynamic and very expressive. The Javanese sacred ritual dance of Bedhaya is believed to have its root in 14th century Majapahit court or probably earlier, which originated as ritual dance performed by virgins to worship Indic deities such as Shiva, Brahma, and Vishnu.
In Bali, dances has become the integral part of Hindu Balinese rituals. Experts believed that balinese dance derived from older dance tradition of Java. Friezes on East Javanese temples built during the 14th century show headdresses almost identical to those still being used for dances in Bali today. These represent a remarkable unbroken continuity of form at least 600 years old. Certain sacred dances are reserved and only performed during certain religious ceremony. Each Balinese dances have special functions, from sacred ritual dances performed only in Balinese temples such as sacred sanghyang dedari and Barong dance that involved trance, dance drama that retold the legends and popular stories such as legong and kecak, to the dance for welcoming guests such as pendet or social youth dance such as joged. The topeng dance also popular in Java and Bali, it often took story from Panji tales, originated from 12th century Kediri kingdom. The notable topeng dances are topeng Cirebon dance and topeng Bali dance.
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The Prehistoric Tribal Era

Prior to their contact with the outer world the people of the Indonesian archipelago had already developed their own styles of dancing, still somewhat preserved by those who resist outside influences and choose tribal life in the interior of Sumatra (example: Batak, Nias, Mentawai), of Kalimantan/Borneo (example: Dayak, Punan, Iban), of Java (example: Badui), of Sulawesi (example: Toraja, Minahasa), of the Moluccan Islands and of Papua (example: Dani, Amungme).
Dances in Indonesia is believed by many scholars to have had its beginning in rituals and religious worshipSuch dances are usually based on rituals, like the war dances, the dance of witch doctors, and dance to call for rain or any agricultural related rituals such as Hudoq dance ritual of Dayak people. Others are inspired by nature, such as the Tari Merak (Peafowl dance) of West Java. Ancient forms are usually characterized by repetitive movements like the Tor-Tor dance of the Batak people of (North Sumatra). The dancing also is meant to let the human's inner spirit come out, and also to calm or appease the spirits. Some of the tribal dances involving trance mental condition which interpreted as channeling the spirits through the dancer's body movements. Tari Sanghyang Dedari is a special dance of Bali, in which the dancers are pre-pubescent girls in trance, chasing away bad spirits. The dance of kuda lumping and keris dance also involve trance.
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Dance in Indonesia

Dance in Indonesia (Indonesian: Tarian Indonesia) reflects the country's diversity of ethnicities and cultures. There are more than 700 ethnic groups in Indonesia: Austronesian roots and Melanesian tribal forms are visible, and influences ranging from neighboring Asian and even western styles through colonization. Each ethnic group has their own dances; makes total dances in Indonesia are more than 3000 Indonesian original dances. The old traditions of dance and drama are being preserved in the many dance schools which flourish not only in the courts but also in the modern, government-run or supervised art academies.
For classification purpose, the dances of Indonesia can be divided according to several aspects. In historical aspect it can be divided into three eras; the prehistoric-tribal era, the Hindu-Buddhist era and the era of Islam. According to its patrons, it can be divided into two genres; court dance and folk dance. In its tradition, Indonesian dances can be divided into two types; traditional dance and contemporary dance.
In Bali on November 19, 2011 UNESCO announced the traditional Saman dance from Aceh province as a world intangible cultural heritage. Saman dance is unique due to there are no music instrument accompany the dance and just only sing and clap their hands together to create harmony in movement and sound.
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Karya Sastra Melayu Lama

Karya Sastra Melayu Lama

  • Robinson Crusoe (terjemahan)
  • Lawan-lawan Merah
  • Mengelilingi Bumi dalam 80 hari (terjemahan)
  • Graaf de Monte Cristo (terjemahan)
  • Kapten Flamberger (terjemahan)
  • Rocambole (terjemahan)
  • Nyai Dasima oleh G. Francis (Indo)
  • Bunga Rampai oleh A.F van Dewall
  • Kisah Perjalanan Nakhoda Bontekoe
  • Kisah Pelayaran ke Pulau Kalimantan
  • Kisah Pelayaran ke Makassar dan lain-lainnya
  • Cerita Siti Aisyah oleh H.F.R Kommer (Indo)
  • Cerita Nyi Paina
  • Cerita Nyai Sarikem
  • Cerita Nyonya Kong Hong Nio

Karya Sastra Melayu Lama

  • Robinson Crusoe (terjemahan)
  • Lawan-lawan Merah
  • Mengelilingi Bumi dalam 80 hari (terjemahan)
  • Graaf de Monte Cristo (terjemahan)
  • Kapten Flamberger (terjemahan)
  • Rocambole (terjemahan)
  • Nyai Dasima oleh G. Francis (Indo)
  • Bunga Rampai oleh A.F van Dewall
  • Kisah Perjalanan Nakhoda Bontekoe
  • Kisah Pelayaran ke Pulau Kalimantan
  • Kisah Pelayaran ke Makassar dan lain-lainnya
  • Cerita Siti Aisyah oleh H.F.R Kommer (Indo)
  • Cerita Nyi Paina
  • Cerita Nyai Sarikem
  • Cerita Nyonya Kong Hong Nio
  • Nona Leonie
  • Warna Sari Melayu oleh Kat S.J
  • Cerita Si Conat oleh F.D.J. Pangemanan
  • Cerita Rossina
  • Nyai Isah oleh F. Wiggers
  • Drama Raden Bei Surioretno
  • Syair Java Bank Dirampok
  • Lo Fen Kui oleh Gouw Peng Liang
  • Cerita Oey See oleh Thio Tjin Boen
  • Tambahsia
  • Busono oleh R.M.Tirto Adhi Soerjo
  • Nyai Permana
  • Hikayat Siti Mariah oleh Hadji Moekti (indo)
  • dan masih ada sekitar 3000 judul karya sastra Melayu-Lama lainnya
 Sumber : Wikipedia bahasa Indonesia, ensiklopedia bebas
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Angkatan 1945


Pengalaman hidup dan gejolak sosial-politik-budaya telah mewarnai karya sastrawan Angkatan '45. Karya sastra angkatan ini lebih realistik dibanding karya Angkatan Pujangga baru yang romantik-idealistik. Karya-karya sastra pada angkatan ini banyak bercerita tentang perjuangan merebut kemerdekaan seperti halnya puisi-puisi Chairil Anwar. Sastrawan angkatan '45 memiliki konsep seni yang diberi judul "Surat Kepercayaan Gelanggang". Konsep ini menyatakan bahwa para sastrawan angkatan '45 ingin bebas berkarya sesuai alam kemerdekaan dan hati nurani. Selain Tiga Manguak Takdir, pada periode ini cerpen Dari Ave Maria ke Jalan Lain ke Roma dan Atheis dianggap sebagai karya pembaharuan prosa Indonesia.

Penulis dan Karya Sastra Angkatan 1945

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Nasi Boga

Nasi Bogana or Nasi Begana, pronounced as Nah-see Boh-gâna, is an Indonesian style rice dish, originally from Tegal, Central Java. It is usually wrapped in Banana leaves and served with a variety of side dishes.(Winneke 2009)

This rice dish is a type of Nasi Rames or Nasi Campur, which is the term used for dishes that has rice and a variety of side dishes.(Apriadji 2007, p. 7-11)

Nasi Bogana is very popular in Indonesia and is sold all over the streets of Jakarta, the capital city of Indonesia, for 12.000 to 20.000 Rupiah each. It is sold in almost all Sundanese or Javanese restaurants and sometimes in Warungs or Wartegs, a traditional outdoor restaurant or café.(Witton, 2003) [3] It is also considered a convenient dish as it is wrapped in banana leaves and is usually ready to bring and eat anytime. It is also considered as a type of fast food where it is brought to workplaces to eat.(Erwin 2007, p. 82-86)[4]
Preparation

Nasi Bogana is prepared by spreading a wide banana leaf on a plate, and filling it with steamed rice. Then seasoning such as Fried [Shallots] are put on top of the rice. Over the rice, a smaller banana leaf is spread and the side dishes, White Chicken Curry(Opor Ayam), Shredded meat(Dendeng), Fried Chicken Liver and Gizzard in Chili and Coconut Gravy, Sambal of Shredded Red Chili, "'Pindang'" Whole Boiled Eggs, Fried Shredded Spiced Coconut with Peanuts([Serundeng]), Sautéed Tempeh and Sautéed String Beans are put in a decorative manner. Everything is then wrapped and closed with the outer banana leaf that held the rice. Plastic strings are then used to tighten the pack. It is consequently put in a steamer to keep its temperature warm and is ready to pick up and eat at anytime. Other times they are just prepared as a regular rice dish without the banana leaves because the dish has been too common and restaurants do not even bother to follow with the traditions.

 Preparation of side dishes

The Opor Ayam is usually served as pieces without their bones. This is usually done because they can wrap it in banana leaves easier without taking too much space. There are two types of Opor Ayam, white gravy; commonly used in West Java and yellow gravy, commonly used in Central Java. Both are sweet but Yellow Opor Ayam tend to have curry spices in it.[6] The Dendeng is sometimes put in a stick and eaten the same way as a satay(meat skewer). The Pindang Boiled eggs is most of the time cut in half and only half is served. This depends on the occasion. Serundeng, Fried Chicken Liver and Gizzard in Chili and Coconut Gravy (suggested to use Cow Livers rather than Chicken to avoid the smell), Sambal of Shredded Red Chili and Sautéed Tempeh and Sautéed String Beans is served regularly, a spoon-full of each circling the steamed rice.

Tradition and culture

In Java, Nasi Bogana is often used in special occasions such as Weddings, Anniversaries, but is most commonly found in family gatherings and social gatherings (Arisan). In weddings, Nasi Bogana usually has its own booth where people can choose their own side dishes and add different sauces. Most people prefer Nasi Bogana to be eaten with Kerupuk(Indonesian Flour Crackers) or Emping(Crushed Bean Crackers from Melinjo), and as a result it becomes a part of the side dish. Some people also like additional sauce like Kecap Manis(Sweet Soy Bean sauce) and Sambal Terasi(Fish and Shrimp Chili Sauce). The drink that they have while having this dish is most of the time hot or iced Black Tea
 Nutrition

Nasi Bogana contains amounts of protein and carbohydrates from the meat and rice(Winneke 2009), but also contains a lot of fat and oil since it uses a lot of coconut and palm oil in the preparation of the side dishes. Almost all of the side dishes are prepared by frying. The dish ranges from 1000-1600 calories per serving. It is almost considered as a fast food.
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Indonesian philosophy

Indonesian philosophy is a generic designation for the tradition of abstract speculation held by the people who inhabit the region now known as Indonesia. Indonesian philosophy is expressed in the living languages found in Indonesia (approximately 587 languages) and its national language Indonesian, comprising many diverse schools of thought with influences from Eastern and Western origins, and indigenous philosophical themes.

The term Indonesian philosophy originates from the title of a book written by M. Nasroen,[1] in which he traced philosophical elements found in Indonesian culture. Since then, the term has been popular and inspired many later writers like Sunoto, Parmono, and Jakob Sumardjo. Sunoto began the nation's first philosophy department at Gajah Mada University in Yogyakarta (city).

Sunoto, Parmona, and Sumardjo each defined the word Indonesian philosophy differently. Without clearly defining the word, M. Nasroen argued that Indonesian philosophy was neither Western nor Eastern. He pointed to core Indonesian concepts and practices such as mupakat, pantun-pantun, Pancasila, hukum adat, gotong-royong, and kekeluargaan (Nasroen 1967:14, 24, 25, 33, and 38). Sunoto (1987:ii) also embraced a culturalist notion of Indonesian philosophy, calling it "the cultural richness of our own nation…contained in our own culture." Similarly, Parmono defined it as "thought or reflections…which are bound in" adat "as well as ethnic culture" (Parmono 1985:iii). Sumardjo wrote that the "philosophy of Indonesian people has never been conceived of. Their philosophical conceptions must be sought after and found out of what they have done. " He added, "Indonesian philosophy lies in their daily-life behavior and factual result of their activities. The philosophy of Indonesian people lies within their pepatah-petitih, adat houses, adat ceremonies and rites, old myths, in their dress ornaments, their dances, the music they play, in their weapons, their social system, and so on" (Sumardjo 2003:113).
 The writers above understand Indonesian philosophy as a part of culture and do not make a contrast between philosophy and cultural studies or anthropology. The Indonesian language initially had no word for philosophy as an entity separated from theology, art, and science.[2] Instead, Indonesians have a generic word budaya or kebudayaan, which describes the totality of the manifestations of the life of a society. Philosophy, science, theology, religion, art and technology are at once manifestations of a society’s life, which are included in the meaning of the word budaya. Indonesians usually use the word budayawan for their philosophers (Alisjahbana 1977:6-7). Accordingly, to them, the scope of Indonesian philosophy only comprised those original notions of Indonesian cultural richness. This is understood by Ferry Hidayat,[3] as "the poverty of the scope." If Indonesian philosophy only comprised those original ethnic philosophies, it would be very limited. Like other scholars, Ferry widens the scope of Indonesian philosophy so as to include the adapted and "indigenized" philosophy as influenced by foreign philosophical traditions. This article employs the latter definition.
Schools of thought

There are seven schools of thought developing in Indonesia.[4] The categorization of schools is first based on the originality that a certain school contains (like "ethnic school"), secondly based on the influence of great world philosophies that a particular school absorbs and adapts to Indonesian philosophy (such as "Chinese school," "Indian school," "Islamic school," "Christian school," and "Western school"), and lastly based on a historical chronology (such as "the post-Soeharto school'). The following is a sketch of the Indonesian schools of thought and their main philosophers.
[edit] Ethnic school

This school takes Indonesian ethnic philosophies as its source of inspiration. Its assumption is mythologies, legends, folklores, the way an ethnic group builds its house and holds its ceremonies, literature it keeps, the epics the ethnic group writes, all bases foundation of its philosophy. This 'philosophy' cannot change; it remains the same, from the beginning to the end of the world, and it is also 'the Good'. It guides every member of the group to the origin of group creation on earth (in Javanese, sangkan) and the telos of the life the group reaches to (in Javanese, paran), so the member cannot go astray.

This school preserves Indonesian ethnic philosophies which are original, since the philosophies had been hold tight by ethnic members before they were encountered with later foreign philosophical traditions.

Most of the school’s proponents assume that today’s Indonesian people are in the position of being blind to their original values. Jakob Sumardjo, for instance, argued that most of today’s Indonesians …forget to preserve their original values and …forgetting the past, forgetting the origin, they are like amnesiac people... who …ignore their own national history… (Sumardjo 2003:23, 25). Consequently, they are ‘alienated’; estranged from ‘their mother cultures’ (Sumardjo 2003:53). The failure of Indonesian educational policy, to Jakob, is brought by this ‘blindness’ to Indonesian original culture (Sumardjo 2003:58). Therefore, the necessary task of this school of philosophy is to seek after, recall and revitalize the ethnic original values, since the values are ‘mothers’ (lokalitas ialah ibu manusia) and people are ‘fathers’ of existence (balita ialah bapak manusia) (Sumardjo 2003:22).

The following are some philosophical notions which this school advocates:
[edit] Adat

For this school of thought, adat plays very important role. Adat is the main inspiration for ethnic philosophers, as it is the intellectual legacy which belongs to a particular ethnic group. Adat is inherited from an ethnic's forefathers to later generations of the ethnic group. Indonesians believe that adat is not a human creation, but the spirits and supernatural powers ruling the community. This adat is very different from what Englishmen call tradition, custom or convention today. Its meaning is not simply wider, but more particularly goes far deeper. It includes everything Englishmen call law nowadays; and it goes much further than law in determining the needs and the actions of individuals and the community. It ordains the ceremonies of marriage, birth and death, the times and the methods for sowing rice, building a house, praying for rain, and many other things. Economics, politics, philosophy and art all come within its sphere. Indeed from one point of view, adat is simply a social expression of the community religion, in as much as it is not a human creation, and in its exercise men are still constantly watched over by the spirits and supernatural powers ruling community. Because the adat which regulates the entire life of the community is dominated by spirits and supernatural powers, that communal life is inevitably static and deeply conservative. Its roots lay in the obscurity of the past, when the ancestors laid down the adat once and for all, or as Minangkabau people say: It doesn't crack with the heat or rot in the rain. In such an environment the word 'old' has a special significance, denoting something venerable, sacred, powerful and full of wisdom (Alisjahbana 1961:13-14).
[edit] Myths of Origin

Among intellectual legacy which the adat inherited to Indonesians is a set of myths of origin of creation. The myths are sung (and only recently written) in important ceremonies held on special occasions of birth, death, marriage, harvest festival, and so on. The Dayak-Benuaq tribe of East Kalimantan, for example, has a set of myths known as Temputn. This Temputn tells myths of origin of universe, world and sky, human and animal creation, plants, water, fire, rain, death, ancestor origin, and some social taboos (Michael Hopes & Karaakng 1997:1-19). According to Temputn, far before humankind had been created, they were two families who inhabited the sky. Of the raw materials used by the ‘sky families’ to create the earth and the sky, finally the first human came into being. He was married to a woman, who was his own daughter, and had many children, some of whom later became seniangs--group of spirits who live in the heavens, responsible for the policing of the most important moral affairs and they are in charge of adat guardians. The seniangs can inflict punishments (curses) on the ‘incestuous’. Their children were not only the human race and spirits, but also animals like wildcats of the forest, bears, ancestor of deer, the pigs of the forest, forefathers of monkey, ancestor of bees, snakes, and many others (Michael Hopes & Karaakng 1997:29-41).
[edit] Pantun

Pantun is original kind of poem created by Indonesians. It is a four-line poem that consists of two parts; the first two lines are called as sampiran and the second two lines as isi. The sampiran always provides an analogy for the isi, and it symbolizes a macrocosm for a microcosm. As the mythology went, humankind was made of materials from which 'the sky families' created the sky and the world, and pantun reflects this belief very clearly. The sampiran represents 'the sky and the world', while the isi signifies 'the humankind'. Both between sampiran and isi there must be logical correspondence, as they both are symbols of harmony of the nature and humankind (Sumardjo 2002:296-324). Below is an example of pantun:

Tujuh hari dalam hutan || Air tak minum, nasi tak makan || Sehari tiada pandang Tuan || Rasanya susut tubuh di badan

The sampiran which says (in English) seven days in deep forest || no drinking water, no eating rice must have logical correspondence with the isi, which says no meeting you Sir in a day || feels like the body becomes thinner and thinner. The sampiran says about the suffering one can feel when he is in a deep forest in seven days without drink and food, while the isi says about the suffering one can feel when he does not meet in a day the lover he really longs or yearns for. The sampiran, therefore, analogizes the isi in the suffering of the longing.
[edit] Pepatah

A Pepatah is like a proverb or saying. These sayings are part of the adat in the sense that they give guidance and instruction to every member of a particular ethnic group to treat others well in the community. It is believed that pepatah were created by ancestors inspired by supernatural powers and spirits (Nasroen 1967:27). The wording of a pepatah is taken from nature, which means that all guidance for people's life must be derived from the laws of nature. Nature has its own laws and it is people's obligation to submit to it. As the myth of origin told, humans were parts of nature; they were made of it, so they had to live in total submission to its laws (Nasroen 1967:30).

Here are some examples of pepatah: dalam laut dapat diduga, dalam hati siapa tahu (we can assume the depth of the sea, but we cannot assume what is in people's hearts) teaches very clearly about the danger of assuming what is in people's hearts, for this knowledge can only be obtained by asking the people concerned, not by assuming; ada gula, ada semut (where there is sugar, there is ant) teaches the law of causality, in which an effect can be inferred if there is a cause; malu bertanya, sesat di jalan (if you are shy of asking questions, you will get lost in your way) teaches the importance of asking questions in the process of seeking after knowledge, and the like.
[edit] Adat Social Structure

It has been stated above that not only did adat include tradition, custom, convention and law, but it also included a kind of social structure. The social structure bound by a common adat was typified by small-scale communities of people in villages or of nomads wandering over a specific area. These communities were rather like miniature democratic republics. Their headmen were elected from the descendants of the oldest branch of the tribe, and they saw to the needs and interests of the community, assisted by a council of elders. Really important decisions were taken by collective deliberations, called as mupakat. Naturally in a democracy of this type, in which a premium is put on unanimity of opinions, the position of the balai was extremely important. This was the building in which meetings and discussions were held. We can think them as the centers of social life within these small communities (Alisjahbana 1961:14-15).

The principal duty of the village government was to administer the adat handed down from generation to generation, and to settle any disputes that might arise. However, the actual scope of administration within this indigenous Indonesian society was very broad if one compared it to the scope of governmental activity today. it included the regulation of marriage ceremonies, crop cultivation, distribution of the harvest, division of legacies, etc., quite apart from attending to the daily needs of the community (Alisjahbana 1961:15).
[edit] Further reading

Those books are on Indonesian ethnic philosophies:

* Lansing, Stephen. (1983). Three Worlds of Bali. Westport: Praeger Publishers. ISBN 0-275-91720-7.
* Errington, Frederick Karl. (1984). Manners and Meaning in West Sumatra: The Social Context of Consciousness. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-03159-9.
* Eiseman Jr, Fred B. (1989). Bali Sekala &Niskala: Vol. 1. Essays on Religion, Ritual, and Art. Berkeley and Singapore: PeriPlus Editions. ISBN 0-945971-05-2.
* Wikan, Unni (1990). Managing Turbulent Hearts: a Balinese Formula for Living. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-89678-1 (U.S.A).
* Tol, Roger (et al.) (2000). Authority and Enterprise among the Peoples of North Sulawesi. Leiden: KITLV Press. ISBN 90-6718-145-5.
* Mrázek, Jan (2005). Phenomenology of a puppet theatre. Contemplations on the art of Javanese wayang kulit. Leiden: KITLV Press. ISBN 90-6718-252-4.

[edit] Chinese school

The native Indonesian philosophers held their original philosophies until the coming of Chinese migrants between 1122-222 BC who introduced Taoism and Confucianism to them (Larope 1986:4). These two foreign philosophies and the local ones then diffused and penetrated; so mixing that they could not be separated again (SarDesai 1989:9-13). One of the remnants of this diffused philosophy, which is still practiced by all Indonesians to date, is the Confucian notion of hsiao (Pinyin: 'Xiao', 孝; Indonesian: menghormati orangtua). The notion teaches that people must respect their parents above other things. They should prioritize their parents before giving priority to others.

The Chinese school seems to have been primarily developed by a few Indonesians of Chinese ethnicity. Nevertheless, its contribution to the Indonesian philosophical tradition is very significant. Sun Yat-senism, Maoism, and Neo-maoism are important philosophies that were widespread all over Indonesia in the early 20th century, together with the great growth of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) (Suryadinata 1990:15).

The main philosophers of this school, among others, are: Tjoe Bou San, Kwee Hing Tjiat, Liem Koen Hian, Kwee Kek Beng, and Tan Ling Djie.
[edit] Further reading

These books cover the Chinese contribution to the Indonesian politico-philosophical tradition:

* Heidhues, Mary F. Somer. (1964). Peranakan Chinese Politics in Indonesia. New York and Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
* Suryadinata, Leo. (1976). Peranakan Chinese Politics in Java. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. ISBN 981-210-360-0.
* Suryadinata, Leo. (1997). The Political Thinking of The Indonesian Chinese 1900-1995. Singapore: Singapore University Press. ISBN 9971-69-201-5.

[edit] Indian school

The diffusion of philosophies continued with the coming of Hindu Brahmans and Buddhists of Indian origin in 322 BC-700 AD. They introduced Hinduist and Buddhist cultures to the native culture, and the native Indonesian culture reciprocated by synthesizing the two into a combined version, known as Tantrayana. This is clearly shown in the building of Borobudur Temple by Sailendra Dynasty in 800-850 A.D (SarDesai, 1989:44-47). Rabindranath Tagore, an Indian philosopher who visited Borobudur for the first time, described the temple as un-Indian, since the relics engraved on it represented workers dressed in native Javanese style. He also observed that the native Javanese dances inspired by Indian epics were not similar to Indian dances, although those dances of the two countries had a common source in the same Indian well.

Hindu and Buddhism--two philosophies that contradict each other in India--as well as Javanese local philosophy were reconciled in Indonesia by the genius of Sambhara Suryawarana, Mpu Prapanca, and Mpu Tantular.
[edit] Further reading

* Parkin, Harry. (1978). Batak Fruit of Hindu. Madras: The Christian Literature Society.
* Zoetmulder, P.J. (1995). Pantheism and monism in Javanese Suluk literature : Islamic and Indian mysticism in an Indonesian setting. Leiden: KITLV Press. ISSN 0074-0470.

[edit] Islamic school

The 10-century process of Indianization of Indonesia was rivaled by the coming of Persian Sufism, and Sufism had begun to take root in the native philosophical discourse since the early 15th century onwards. The widespread practice of Sufism was encouraged by the massive founding of Islamic kingdoms and sultanates in Indonesia (Nasr 1991:262). Kings and sultans like Sunan Giri, Sunan Gunungjati, Sunan Kudus, Sultan Trenggono of Demak, Pakubuwana II, Pakubuwana IV, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa of Banten, Sultan Alauddin Riayat Syah, Engku Hajji Muda Raja Abdallah to Raja Muhammad Yusuf are sufi-kings; they learned Sufism from eminent Sufi teachers (Perpustakaan Nasional 2001:12-39).

Sufism in Indonesia can be divided into two schools: Ghazalism and Ibn Arabism. Ghazalism takes its main inspiration from Al-Ghazali’s teachings, whereas Ibn Arabism from Ibn Arabi’s doctrines. Sufis from the Al-Ghazali line include Nuruddin Al-Raniri, Abdurrauf Al-Singkeli, Abd al-Shamad Al-Palimbangi, Syekh Yusuf Makassar, while the Ibn Arabi line includes Hamzah Al-Fansuri, Al-Sumatrani, Syekh Siti Jenar, and so on (Nasr 1991:282-287).

Arabian Wahhabism was also adopted by King Pakubuwono IV and Tuanku Imam Bonjol, who eradicated Sufism and encouraged Qur'an teachings instead (Hamka 1971:62-64).

When Islamic modernism, whose program was to synthesize Islamic teachings and Western Enlightenment philosophy, begun by Muhammad Abduh and Jamal al-din Al-Afghani in Egypt in the end of the 19th century, prevailed in all the Islamic world, Moslems in Indonesia also adopted and adapted modernism. This is clearly shown in the works of Syaikh Ahmad Khatib, Syaikh Thaher Djalaluddin, Abdul Karim Amrullah, Ahmad Dahlan, Mohammad Natsir, Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto, Agus Salim, Misbach, and so forth (Noor 1996:37).
[edit] Further reading

* Al-Attas, Syed M. Naquib. (1970). The Mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya University Press.
* Drewes, G.W.J. (1986). The Poems of Hamzah Fansuri. Dordrecht-Holland: Foris.
* Zoetmulder, P.J. (1995). Pantheism and monism in Javanese Suluk literature : Islamic and Indian mysticism in an Indonesian setting. Leiden: KITLV Press. ISSN 0074-0470.

[edit] Western school

When the Dutch colonial government in Indonesia implemented ‘The Ethical Politics’ (Politik Etis) in the early 20th century, Dutch-style educational institutions mushroomed and were opened for native children of noble, feudal classes who wanted to work in colonial institutions. The Dutch-speaking schools taught Western philosophy, among which Enlightenment philosophy was taught to Indonesian natives, much later than its 5th century emergence in Europe (Larope 1986:236-238). The alumni of these schools mostly continued their studies in European universities. They soon gathered as a newly emerging elite in Indonesia who comprised the first generation of European-style intelligentsia, and they later advocated Western philosophy instead of their original ethnic philosophies.

Western philosophical traditions inspired most of modern Indonesian socio-political institutions. Indonesia’s republic government, its constitution and distribution of power, its political parties and its long-term national economic planning were carried out on a Western model. Even its ideology of Pancasila (unlike what Soekarno always boasted or what Soeharto later established) was inspired by Western ideals of humanism, social-democracy, and the national socialism of the Nazi party, as clearly shown in the oration of BPUPKI members, a preparatory council of Indonesian independence in August, 1945 (Risalah Sidang 1995:10-79). This leads to a conclusion that ‘Modern Indonesia’ is founded on a Western blueprint.

It is interesting to note that even though the elite embraced Western philosophy whole-heartedly, they still felt the need to adapt the philosophy to concrete, contemporary Indonesian situations. For example Soekarno, who adapted Western democracy to still-feudalistic people, came up with his famous Guided Democracy (Soekarno 1963:376). D.N. Aidit and Tan Malaka adapted Marxism-Leninism to Indonesian situations (Aidit 1964:i-iv; Malaka 2000:45-56) and Sutan Syahrir adapted Social Democracy to the Indonesian context (Rae 1993:46).
[edit] Further reading

* Feith, Herbert. (1962). The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
* Feith, Herbert, and Lance Castles (eds.). (1970). Indonesian Political Thinking, 1945-1955. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
* Brackman, Arnold C. (1976). Indonesian Communism: A History. Westport: Greenwood Pub Group. ISBN 0-8371-8419-3.

[edit] Christian school

Together with the Western capitalist search for new colonies in the East, Christianity came to Indonesian merchants in the middle of the 15th century (Lubis 1990:78). First Portuguese merchants then Dutch capitalists spread Catholicism and Calvinism respectively. Francis Xavier, the first Spanish Catholic preacher to go to Indonesia, translated Credo, Confession Generalis, Pater Noster, Ave Maria, Salve Regina, and The Ten Commandments into Malay between 1546 and 1547, through which Catholicism was propagated among the native people (Lubis 1990:85). Catholic churches were established and Indonesian Catholics crowded, but soon they were expelled or forced to convert to Calvinism by Dutch Calvinists who came to Indonesia around 1596. Dutch Reformed Churches were erected instead. Jan Pieterszoon Coen, one of the Governor-Generals of VOC in 1618, was a good example of devout Calvinist. He put all Calvinist preachers (in Dutch, Ziekentroosters) under his control (Lubis 1990:99).

Portuguese-style Catholic schools and Dutch-style Calvinist educational institutions were opened for Indonesian natives. Not only did they teach theology to the natives, but also Christian philosophy. One school later became thousands. There have been (and still are) private Catholic and Protestant universities in which Christian philosophy is taught in Indonesia nowadays. Missionaries and preachers of the West who got master’s degrees in philosophy from European universities came to lecture at Indonesian Christian universities (Hiorth 1987:4). From those universities graduated many who later mastered Christian philosophy, such as Nico Syukur Dister, J.B. Banawiratma, Robert J. Hardawiryana, JB.. Mangunwijaya, T.H. Sumartana, and so forth.
[edit] Post-Soeharto philosophy

This school is mainly on the scene to criticize Soeharto’s socio-political policy during his presidency from 1966 to 1998. Its concern is political philosophy whose main task is to seek alternatives to the corrupt regime. This school dared to challenge Soeharto after his silencing all philosophers by violence. Before this, there had been some who opposed Soeharto in 1970’s, but they were brutally assaulted in the incidents Peristiwa ITB Bandung 1973 and Peristiwa Malari 1974. Since then, philosophy could only be practiced in absentia or in secret; under the New Order, philosophy was repressed and reduced to ideas which officially supported the state. Philosophical praxis was effectively banned. With regard to philosophy, Soeharto's era can be called an era of "philosophical opium," in which all kinds of philosophy from every branch and school could live but could not be practiced in reality. Philosophy was pacified: reduced to a mere academic exercise and constrained in its content. In its stead, Soeharto elevated pancasila as an official state ideology, one selectively tailored to meet the needs of the New Order (Hidayat 2004:49-55).

Despite repression, some intellectuals began to publicly dissent and philosophize. They were known as post-Soeharto philosophers, among which are: Sri-Bintang Pamungkas, Budiman Sudjatmiko, Muchtar Pakpahan, Sri-Edi Swasono, and Pius Lustrilanang.
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Budaya

Budaya is the plural form of the word Budi. Budi is synonymous to akal budi or kebudayaan. This original Indonesian word is very philosophical, since it has been explained, interpreted, re-interpreted, and made a philosophical discourse in Indonesian philosophers' circle up to this time. Indonesian philosophy world is not considered as complete without mentioning this discourse. Its derivatives, such as Budayawan, Budiman, and Budi daya, are now also discussed among Indonesian philosophers, especially those who are called Philosophers of Kebudayaan.
Philosophers of the various schools of philosophy define the word Budi (plural, Budaya) with different definitions, suited to their school interests. The oldest definition of the word is found in the 18th century Ancient Javanese manuscript Serat Centhini. According to the text, Budi is suprahuman, spiritual entity which mediates between God's being and human's being. It is a purely spiritual substance originated from God. Here is the excerpt:
Wujud tanpa kahanan puniki.Ing dalem kak sajati lantaran. Inggih budi lantarané. Sarupa wujud ing hu. Pan jumeneng Muhammad latip. Mustakik ing Hyang Suksma. Kenyatanipun. Budi wujud ing Hyang Suksma. Inggih budi inggih Hyang kang Mahasuci. Budi tatabonira
English translation:
This being without existence is between the true reality. It has a mediation which is called Budi. Budi is similar to God's being. Budi is also called the spiritual Muhammad. It is a manifestation of the Spirit. Budi is the being of the Spirit and it is the All-Pure. Budi is its peaceful place.
It is the Budi with this meaning that is used by Dr. Wahidin Soedirohusodo to name his and his fellows' first native political society Budi Utomo in the Dutch East Indies of the early 19th century.
The Budi in this meaning is also similar to the Sufi concept of Nur Muhammad or the Platonic concept of The Universal Soul or the Islamic philosophical concept of Al-'Aql Al-Awwal.

Modern Definition (19 Century onwards)

Modern European learning introduced by the Portuguese-Spanish Catholics and the Dutch Protestants to Indonesian native educational institutions in the 20th century influenced the definition of the word Budi. In this intellectual period, Budi is re-defined and re-interpreted not as spiritual as understood before, but as human entity. In 1961, for example, Nicolas Drijarkara defined Budi as ethical reason or moral reason as understood by the moralist Immanuel Kant. Poedjawijatna, another philosopher, defined Budi as Indonesian translation of the English word reason or reasoning and Filsafat Budi as of the English word Logics.Ki Hajar Dewantara, a preeminent Javanese thinker, in the early 1970s defined Budi as the matured human soul Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana, a great Indonesian thinker of the century, defined Budi as psychological pattern contained in it basic life needs, instincts, feelings, thought, passions and fantasies. Here is the excerpt:
Adalah pola kejiwaan yang di dalamnya terkandung dorongan-dorongan hidup yang dasar, inseting (instink), perasaan, dengan pikiran, kemauan dan fantasi yang kita namakan budi. Budi itu adalah dasar segala kehidupan kebudayaan manusia

Budi as Culture

The philosopher in Indonesian history of philosophy who firstly understood Budi (or more frequently, Kebudayaan) as culture is Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana (1908–1994).Koentjaraningrat, an American-trained anhtropologist, then continued using the meaning in his famous book, Manusia dan Kebudayaan di Indonesia.. Sidi Gazalba, another philosopher of Kebudayaan, defined Budi or Kebudayaan as a way of life owned and held by any cultural unity. Today's Indonesian thinkers, like Sutan Syahrir, Soedjatmoko, Dick Hartoko, Abdurrahman Wahid, Mochtar Kusumaatmaja, Mochtar Lubis, Sayidiman Suryohadiprojo, Y.B. Mangunwijaya, Nurcholish Madjid, Darmanto Jatman, and other modernists, hold this cultural-anthropological meaning of Budi. It can even be said that this meaning has been dominating the philosophical discourse of today. All philosophers holding this meaning has been acknowledged nationally as Philosophers of Kebudayaan.

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Baju Kurung

It is said that costumes of the ordinary Malays in the olden days are simple dresses, but as time progresses, the attire evolved and became more sophisticated, while the wearers became more discerning in their fashion tastes. For instance, Chinese chronicles described the attire of the Malays in the 13th century for both male and female as covering only the bottom part of the body, with no cloth to cover the upper body. Later, tunics, which are simple cover-alls that are either short-sleeve or sleeveless, were said to be the main attire of the Malays. And the pants or trousers worn were mostly in the "gunting Aceh" (Aceh cut) fashion, ending just below the knee. The women folks, on the other hand, normally wear sarongs in the "berkemban" style, that is, by wrapping a piece of sarong around the body covering the chest.
However, with the growth of trade, and the importance of the Silk Route in China, traders crossed the Malay Archipelago from the Arabian archipelago and India to China by ships to sell their products. And these ships stopped at the ports and villages along the coasts of the Malay Archipelago, that later bloomed into trading posts in south-east Asia. Goods from China, India, Middle East (Arab) and European countries were traded here. And the foreign traders not only brought with them goods for sale and barter, but also their unique dressing and fashion styles. The Malays were therefore influenced and exposed to various fashions and costumes from various countries early in their civilized state, and these foreigners have influenced greatly the evolution of the traditional Malay costumes and dress. And when the Malacca Empire was at its height in the 15th century, with Islam as the main religion, the Malay traditional costume, the Baju Melayu, was born, as clearly described in the "Sejarah Melayu" or "Malay Annals". When they became more civilized with the adoption of Islam as their religion, the Malays slowly covered their bodies according to the tenets and teachings of Islam.
The early baju kurung was longer and looser, unsuited to the figure of Malay women. It was popularised in the late 19th century by Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor
It has been reported that the baju kurung has "not only survived, but prospered" in modern Malaysia, pointing to its popularity during the Islamisation of Malaysia in the 1970s and 1980s.
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